Skip to content Skip to sidebar Skip to footer

Identify the Social Characteristics of Aboriginal Families That Supported Malinowskiã¢â‚¬â„¢s Argument.

For the most recent "Face up the Facts" see our Instruction part of the website.

  1. Who are Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples ?
  2. How many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples are there ?
  3. Where do Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples live? How sometime are they ?
  4. Are Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples disadvantaged ?
  5. Do Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples go special treatment from the government ?
  6. What are the new arrangements for the administration of Indigenous diplomacy ?
  7. What is the history of regime policies on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples ?
  8. What is the correct to self-conclusion ?
  9. What is Aboriginal reconciliation ?
  10. What is native title ?
  11. Further reading

Question one. Who are Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples?

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples are the first inhabitants of Australia. Old definitions based on skin colour or percentages of 'Aboriginal blood' have been replaced by modernistic definitions which stress ancestry and identification as the key to Aboriginal identity.

Today, the Federal Government defines an Ancient person as someone who:

  • is of Aboriginal descent;
  • identifies as an Aboriginal person; and
  • is accepted equally an Ancient person by the community in which he or she lives.

Aboriginal people comprise diverse Aboriginal nations, each with their own linguistic communication and traditions and have historically lived on mainland Australia, Tasmania or on many of the continent's offshore islands. Torres Strait Islander peoples come from the islands of the Torres Strait, between the tip of Cape York in Queensland and Papua New Guinea. Torres Strait Islanders are of Melanesian origin with their own distinct identity, history and cultural traditions. Many Torres Strait Islanders alive on mainland Australia.

The term 'Indigenous' is used to refer to both Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.

Click hither for information on the term 'Indigenous'

The use of the term 'Indigenous' has evolved through international police force. It acknowledges a item relationship of ancient people to the territory from which they originate.

The United nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has explained the footing for recognising this relationship as follows:

'Indigenous or aboriginal people are so-called because they were living on their lands earlier settlers came from elsewhere; they are the descendants - according to one definition - of those who inhabited a land or a geographical region at the time when people of different cultures or ethnic origins arrived, the new arrivals after condign ascendant through conquest, occupation, settlement or other ways

(I)ndigenous people have retained social, cultural, economic and political characteristics which are conspicuously distinct from those of the other segments of the national populations.

Throughout human being history, whenever ascendant neighbouring peoples have expanded their territories or settlers from far away have acquired new lands past force, the cultures and livelihoods - fifty-fifty the existence - of ethnic peoples have been endangered. The threats to indigenous peoples' cultures and lands, to their status and other legal rights as distinct groups and as citizens, exercise not always have the same forms equally in previous times. Although some groups accept been relatively successful, in almost parts of the earth indigenous peoples are actively seeking recognition of their identities and ways of life.'1

A annotation on terminology

The 'A' in 'Aboriginal' is capitalised like to other designations similar 'Australian', 'Standard arabic' or 'Nordic'. The word 'aboriginal with a lowercase 'a' refers to an indigenous person from any part of the world. As such, information technology does not necessarily refer to the Aboriginal people of Australia.

'Aboriginal people' is a collective name for the original people of Commonwealth of australia and their descendants, and does not emphasise the multifariousness of languages, cultural practices and spiritual beliefs. This diversity is acknowledged by adding an 's' to 'people' ('Aboriginal peoples'). 'Aboriginal people' can too exist used to refer to more than ane Aboriginal person.

The 'I' in 'Indigenous' is capitalised when referring specifically to Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. The lower case 'i' for 'ethnic' is merely used when referring to people originating in more than than i region or country such as the Pacific region, Asiatic region, Canada or New Zealand. 2

Ancient Australians have the longest continuous living culture in the world.

Top

Question 2. How many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples are there?

410,003 people identified themselves equally 'Indigenous' in the 2001 Census. 3

  • 366,429 of these were Aboriginal.
  • 26,046 were Torres Strait Islanders.
  • 17,528 identified themselves as both Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander.

In June 2001, 2.2% of the total population of Commonwealth of australia identified themselves as Indigenous. The number of people identifying themselves as Indigenous has increased by 16% since the 1996 Demography. 4

Top

Question 3. Where do Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples live? How old are they?

Place of residence

Table 3.ane: State or territory of residence of Indigenous Australians, 2001
State/territory Indigenous population % of national total
Indigenous population*
Total
population
Indigenous people as
% of country/territory population

New South Wales

119,865

29.2%

6,371,745

1.9%

Queensland

112,772

27.5%

3,655,139

three.1%

Western Australia

58,496

fourteen.three%

1,851,252

three.ii%

Northern Territory

fifty,785

12.four%

210,664

24%

Victoria

25,078

6.1%

4,644,950

0.5%

South Australia

23,425

five.7%

1,467,261

one.6%

Tasmania

15,773

3.8%

456,652

3.5%

ACT

iii,576

0.9%

311,947

1.1%

Other territories

233

0.1%

2,740

8.v%

Australia

410,003

100%

18,972,350

2.ii%

Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2001 Census: Bones Customs Profile and Snapshot, Australia and all States and Territories, Canberra, 2002.

* Excluding overseas visitors.

Torres Strait Islander peoples

Over half (58%) of all Torres Strait Islander peoples live in Queensland. The rest of the population alive in other States, with eighteen% in New Due south Wales and 6% in Victoria. Cairns had the highest Torres Strait Islander population in Queensland (1,814 people), followed by Townsville (1,379). Within the Torres Shire, the largest Ethnic populations were recorded on Thursday Island (1558 people). Bamaga (655) and Badu Island (518) likewise take relatively large Torres Strait Islander populations. A majority of the people in the Torres Shire settlements are Torres Strait Islanders (74%).five

Age

As a whole, the Indigenous population is much younger than the non-Indigenous population. For example, nigh 60% of the Indigenous population in Australia are aged under 25 compared with around 34% of the non-Ethnic population. half dozen

Figure 3.1: Proportion of Ethnic and non-Indigenous population in specific age groups, 2001

Source: Australian Agency of Statistics, 2001 Demography: Indigenous Profile: Australia (Catalogue No. 2002.0) Canberra, 2002;

Top

Question iv. Are Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples disadvantaged?

There are clear disparities between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians beyond all indicators of quality of life. Indigenous Australians by and large experience lower standards of health, education, employment and housing, and are over-represented in the criminal justice arrangement compared to non-Indigenous people.

This disadvantage was highlighted in the Written report of the Purple Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody in 1991. In the Study, Commissioner Elliot Johnston QC stated that "the consequence of the history of Aboriginal people (since European settlement) is the partial destruction of Aboriginal civilization and a large function of the Aboriginal population and too disadvantage and inequality of Aboriginal people in all the areas of social life where comparing is possible between Aboriginal and non-Ancient people". 7

Health

Life expectancy 2001:8
  • Indigenous males - 56 years
  • all Australian males - 77 years
  • Indigenous females - 63 years
  • all Australian females - 82 years
Expiry rate 2001:
The expiry charge per unit among the Indigenous population was more than than twice the death rate for the total Australian population. ix The death rate for Ethnic people aged 35-54 in the Northern Territory, Queensland, Southward Commonwealth of australia and Western Australia, was five times that of the total Australian population. 10
Babe bloodshed 2001:
The baby mortality rate for Indigenous Australians (11 deaths per i,000 live births) was twice the infant mortality charge per unit for all Australians (5.0).eleven
Causes of death 2001:
While eye disease and cancer remain the leading causes of death for both Indigenous and non-Ethnic Australians, Indigenous people are more likely than other Australians to die from accidents, assault and self-harm (17% of Ethnic deaths compared to vi% of total deaths), and are more likely to die from diseases of the respiratory system and endocrine, nutritional and metabolic systems, such as diabetes. 12
Hospitalisation 2001:
13 Indigenous people were virtually twice as probable to be hospitalised for about diseases and atmospheric condition as not-Indigenous people. Infirmary admissions were near common amongst Indigenous children aged under five years and Indigenous adults aged 25 to 34 and 45 to 54 years (23% for each age group).
General health 2001:
Indigenous people were near twice every bit probable to report their health every bit 'fair or poor' (34%) compared to non-Indigenous people (xviii%). Based on cocky-reported peak and weight, Indigenous people aged 15 years and over were more likely to exist overweight or obese (61%) compared with non-Indigenous people (48%). Indigenous people were more probable to report asthma equally a long-term health condition (17%) than the not-Indigenous population (12%). Indigenous people were more 3 times more probable to report some form of diabetes than not-Indigenous Australians.14

Education

Educational achievement 2001:
The proportion of Indigenous people over 15 years who had completed Year 12 was 25% in major cities and 8% in remote areas compared with 46% and 35% respectively for not-Ethnic people. fifteen
School retention 2002:
38% of Indigenous students continued to Year 12 compared with 76% of non-Indigenous students.16
Higher education 2001:
five% of Indigenous people anile between xviii and 24 were attending university compared with 23% of non-Indigenous people.17 The number of Indigenous people aged 15-19 who were attending an educational establishment in 2001 was effectually 19500 compared with around 900000 non-Indigenous people of the same age.eighteen

Employment and income

Labour forcefulness participation 2001:
52% of Indigenous people aged 15 and over were in the labour forcefulness compared with 63% of the total population in the same age group.xix
Unemployment 2001:
The unemployment rate was 20% for Indigenous adults compared with seven.2% for non-Indigenous adults. This rate has improved since 1994 (when Indigenous unemployment was 27.8%) but has deteriorated since 2000 when Indigenous unemployment was 17.6%.20
Impact of CDEP 1996:
The Customs Development Employment Projects (CDEP) is the Ethnic work-for-the-dole scheme. CDEP is not available to all Ethnic peoples. Indigenous unemployment rates rise significantly if participants in CDEP are counted as unemployed. In 2001, vii% of Ethnic people anile 15 years and over who reported their labour strength condition said they participated in CDEP.21
Income 2001:
The average weekly household income for Ethnic people ($364) was just 62% of that for non-Indigenous people ($585).22

Housing

Home ownership 2001:
32% of Indigenous people own or are ownership their own homes compared with 71% of non-Indigenous Australians.23
Temporary dwellings 1999:
An estimated xiii% of Ethnic people living in remote communities live in temporary dwellings, including tin can sheds, caravans and 'humpies'. 24
Overcrowding 2001:
15% of Ethnic households were overcrowded past accepted Australian standards, compared with 4% of other Australian households.25
Sewerage service 2001:
A survey of 1,216 Ethnic communities with a population of 50 or more found that 48% had reported sewerage system overflows or leakages in the 12 months prior to the survey.26

Criminal justice arrangement

Developed imprisonment 2002:
Nationally, the imprisonment rate for Indigenous adults at June 2002 was approximately 15 times that for non-Ethnic adults. Western Australia recorded the highest imprisonment rate for Ethnic people (two,400 Indigenous persons per 100,000 Indigenous people) followed by New Due south Wales at approximately 2,100 per 100,000. The proportion of male prisoners who were Indigenous rose from 14% in 1992 to xx% in 2002.27
Juvenile detention 2001:
Ethnic youth aged 10 to 17 years were 19.9 times more likely than non-Indigenous juveniles to exist detained in a juvenile justice centre 28
Deaths in custody 2002:
Although Indigenous people are now less likely to die in police custody compared to twenty years ago, they are more likely to die in prison house custody. From 1980-1989, 67 Indigenous people died in police custody and 39 in prison custody. From 1990-1999, 21 Indigenous people died in police custody and 93 in prison custody.29

During 2002, 69 people died in all forms of custody in Australia. Of the 69 deaths, xiv were Indigenous people. During the period 1990 to 2002, the majority of deaths (65%) occurred in prison custody, while 34% of the deaths occurred in police force custody. 18% of all deaths in prison custody during this period were Indigenous. 30

Women's disadvantage

Women'due south imprisonment 2002:
In 1992, eighteen% of all female prisoners were Indigenous. By 2002, this figure had risen to 25%. 31
Domestic violence:
Accurate statistics most the incidence of violence against women in Ethnic communities are scarce. Even so, research suggests that Indigenous women and children are more than than 45 times more likely to exist victims of domestic violence and more than 8 times more likely to be victims of homicide.32

Tiptop

Question v. Exercise Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples get special treatment from the authorities?

By and large, Indigenous people receive the same level of public benefits as non-Ethnic people. Individuals exercise not get extra funding because they are Indigenous. However, specific government programs, not additional income, take been introduced for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples because they are the most economically and socially disadvantaged group in Commonwealth of australia. Special programs are necessary to assist overcome disadvantage. Examples of programs specifically designed to meet Ethnic needs include:

  • Community Development Employment Projects Scheme (CDEP) - Ethnic work-for-the-dole.
  • Aboriginal Medical Services and Aboriginal Legal Services - provide price-complimentary medical and legal services.
  • The Indigenous Employment Program - provides flexible financial assistance to help create employment and training opportunities for Indigenous people in the private sector.
  • The Indigenous Education Strategic Initiatives Programme (IESIP) - provides supplementary funding to pre-schools, schools and vocational education and training providers to assist improve educational outcomes for Indigenous students.

These programs supplement those available to the mainstream population. They are necessary considering Indigenous people practice non generally utilise mainstream services at the same rate equally non-Indigenous people and because the level of Indigenous disadvantage is much more than severe. Medical and legal services for low income and migrant communities are likewise available in Australia.

Details of spending on Indigenous instruction, wellness and housing.

Education

Public expenditure on educational activity for Ethnic people is xviii% higher per capita than for non-Indigenous people anile 3-24 years. The higher expenditure is a result of diverse factors including location (delivering education in rural and remote locations is more expensive) and lower than average income for Indigenous people which leads to a greater average need for assistance to students.33

Health

Public and private expenditure on health services for Indigenous Australians rose by at least 15% per person betwixt 1995-96 and 1998-99. This compares with x% per person increase in non-Indigenous wellness spending over the same period. Nonetheless, given the insufficiently poor wellness indicators for Indigenous people, public expenditure on wellness services for Ethnic people was similar to that for non-Ethnic people in depression income groups. The difference in health expenditure on Indigenous and non-Indigenous people reflects differences in income level, health status and cost of delivering health services to remote communities. While Indigenous people are more likely to employ country-funded health services (hospitals and community health services), Indigenous people are low users of the major Commonwealth-funded health programs such as Medicare and the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme. 34 In 2002, the Commonwealth Government stated it would commit around $302.seven million on Indigenous health and ageing programs during 2002-03.35

At that place accept been a number of estimates of the amount of extra spending needed to provide the same standard of health services to Ethnic Australians every bit are currently provided to not-Indigenous Australians, taking into account that Ethnic Australians have greater health needs:

  • In 2003, John Deeble, the architect of the Medicare system, calculated $250 one thousand thousand per annum actress should exist spent, based on the shortfall in Medicare spending on Indigenous Australians when compared to non-Indigenous Australians. 36
  • Access Economics estimated $400 million per annum extra should exist spent in a report published in May 2004 37. The departure in John Deeble's and Access Economics' figure is because the latter is based on a greater estimate of Indigenous wellness needs. 38
  • Another 2004 report past Econtech estimated the toll of extending universal chief health care to Indigenous communities would cost between $409 one thousand thousand and $570 million depending on the quality of service offered 39.

Housing

In 2002-03, the Government said it would spend approximately $350 million on Ethnic-specific housing and related infrastructure programs. In addition to Indigenous-specific housing programs, an estimated 22% of Indigenous households are tenants in mainstream public housing.40

Click here for further information aimed at addressing pop myths and misconceptions near government spending in relation to Indigenous Australians http://www.atsic.gov.au/news_room/As_a_Matter_of_Fact/alphabetize.asp

Top

Question half-dozen. What are the new arrangements for the administration of Indigenous affairs introduced by the Federal Government in 2004?

In April 2004, the Federal Government announced the introduction of new arrangements for administering Indigenous affairs from 1 July 2004.41 Under these arrangements, the Ancient and Torres Strait Islander Services (ATSIS) and the Ancient and Torres Strait Islander Committee (ATSIC) were abolished (effective from 30 June 2004 and thirty June 2005 respectively) and responsibility for Indigenous specific programs transferred to mainstream authorities departments and agencies.

The Federal Regime established the post-obit bodies to administer Indigenous Affairs:

  • The Ministerial Taskforce on Ethnic Affairs - comprised of government ministers who set up the direction for the Federal Government'southward approach to Indigenous affairs;
  • The Secretaries Group on Indigenous Affairs - comprised of heads of federal government departments and reports to the Ministerial Taskforce;
  • The National Ethnic Council - a Government appointed Lath of Ethnic people to propose Government. Information technology is non intended to be representative or to perform the role previously held past ATSIC;
  • The Office of Indigenous Policy Coordination - located in the Section of Clearing, Multiculturalism and Indigenous Diplomacy, it coordinates federal government activity on Indigenous affairs; and
  • Indigenous Coordination Centres - 27 regionally-based offices which engage with Indigenous communities at the local level to coordinate government service commitment to communities.

The new approach is based on a process of negotiating agreements with Indigenous families and communities at the local level ('Shared Responsibility Agreements') and setting priorities at the regional level ('Regional Participation Agreements'). Primal to this negotiation procedure is the concept of mutual obligation or reciprocity for service delivery. 42 The Government has stated that the new approach also involves:

  • the creation of a unmarried budget submission across government for Indigenous affairs;
  • supporting regional Indigenous representative structures;
  • a focus on implementing the commitments made by the Council of Australian Governments to address Indigenous disadvantage; and
  • improving accountability for mainstream programs and services.

What were ATSIC and ATSIS?

ATSIC stands for Ancient and Torres Strait Islander Commission. It was made up of a national Board and Regional Councils whose membership was elected by Indigenous people every three years. ATSIC was established in 1990 and was the main system responsible for:

  • Developing programs for Ethnic people supplementary to mainstream programs and services.
  • Monitoring how government agencies provide services to Ethnic people.
  • Advising national, regional and local governments on Indigenous issues.

In May 2004, the Government introduced legislation into Parliament to abolish ATSIC.43 The Prime Government minister stated that the Government believed 'very strongly that the experiment in separate representation, elected representation, for Indigenous people has been a failure'44.

ATSIC'southward National Board of Commissioners ceased to exist from midnight 23 March 2005. 45 However, ATSIC Regional Councils continued to function until thirty June 2005.

Until 2003, ATSIC was as well responsible for administering Ancient and Torres Strait Islander programs and making individual funding decisions. From 1 July 2003, these functions were transferred to a new Executive Agency, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Services (ATSIS). ATSIS was required to administer these programs in accordance with the policy directions provided past ATSIC. Under the new arrangements, ATSIS was abolished on 30 June 2004 and its responsibilities transferred to mainstream authorities departments and agencies.

Click here for further information on the groundwork leading to the new arrangements in Indigenous affairs
Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Ancient and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner 2004Social Justice Report http://www.humanrights.gov.au/social_justice/sjreport04/

Click hither for information on the new Government arrangements for delivering services to Ethnic Australians http://world wide web.oipc.gov.au/publications/default.asp

Top

Question 7. What is the history of authorities policies on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples?

Terra nullius

From 1788, Commonwealth of australia was treated as a colony of settlement, not of conquest. Aboriginal land was taken over by British colonists on the premise that the land belonged to no-one ('terra nullius'). Commonwealth of australia's colonisation resulted in a drastic decline in the Aboriginal population. Estimates of how many Indigenous people lived in Australia at the time of European settlement vary from 300,000 to 1 million. Estimates of the number of Indigenous people who died in borderland conflict also vary widely.46 While the exact number of Indigenous deaths is unknown, many Ethnic men, women and children died of introduced diseases to which they had no resistance such as smallpox, influenza and measles. Many also died in random killings, punitive expeditions and organised massacres.

It is estimated that there were 250 Ethnic languages at the time of European settlement.47 It is estimated that today, approximately 20 languages remain strong.48

In 1992, the premise of Commonwealth of australia's colonisation, terra nullius, was dismissed by the Loftier Courtroom of Australia in the Mabo decision49. In Mabo, the Loftier Court acknowledged the occupation of Australia by Ancient and Torres Strait Islander peoples prior to European settlement.

Protection policies

Indigenous survivors of frontier conflicts were moved onto reserves or missions. From the end of the nineteenth century, diverse State and Territory laws were put in place to command relations between Aboriginal people and other Australians. Nether these laws, protectors, protection boards and native affairs departments segregated and controlled a large part of the Aboriginal population. It has been estimated that the Aboriginal population during the 1920s had fallen to only virtually 60,000 from mayhap 300,000 or even one 1000000 people in 1788.50

Absorption policies

In 1937, the Commonwealth Government held a national conference on Ancient affairs which agreed that Ancient people 'not of total blood' should be absorbed or 'assimilated' into the wider population. The aim of assimilation was to make the 'Ancient problem' gradually disappear so that Ancient people would lose their identity in the wider community.

Protection and assimilation policies which impacted harshly on Indigenous people included dissever education for Aboriginal children, town curfews, alcohol bans, no social security, lower wages, State guardianship of all Ancient children and laws that segregated Indigenous people into separate living areas, mainly on special reserves exterior towns or in remote areas.

Some other major feature of the assimilation policy was stepping up the forcible removal of Ethnic children from their families and their placement in white institutions or foster homes.

Click here for details about the 'stolen generations'

'Stolen children' or 'stolen generations'

The history of the 'Stolen children' varies depending on time and place. Table seven.one shows where and when Indigenous children could lawfully exist taken away without their parents' consent and without a court social club. Non-Indigenous children could likewise exist removed without their parents' consent, merely only past a court finding that the kid was uncontrollable, neglected or abused.

Tabular array 7.1: State and Territory laws authorising forcible removal of Indigenous children
Where When Why
NSW and ACT 1915 - 1940 If the Protection Board believed it was in the interest of the moral or physical welfare of the child.
Northern Territory 1911 - 1964 Being 'ancient or one-half-degree' if the Chief Protector believed it was necessary or desirable.
Queensland 1897 - 1965 For 'ancient' children, and 'half-bandage' children living with Ancient parent(south), if the Minister ordered it. These laws did not apply to Torres Strait Islanders.
South Australia 1923 - 1962 Legitimate children (that is, children whose parents were lawfully married) could only be removed if they were over 14 or had an education certificate. Illegitimate children could be removed at whatever fourth dimension if the Chief Protector and Land Children'south Council believed they were neglected.
Victoria 1871 - 1957 If the Governor of the State was satisfied the child was neglected or left unprotected. From 1899, for the ameliorate care, custody and education of the child.
Western Australia 1909 - 1954 Police force, protectors and justices of the peace could remove whatever 'half-caste' child to a mission. Extended to all 'natives' under 21 in 1936.

Source: Appendices 1-vii, Bringing them home, Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families, HREOC, 1997.

Where were the children placed?

Indigenous children were forcibly removed from their families and communities to the care of non-Ethnic people with the aim of assimilating them into non-Ancient society. In Queensland, this often meant separating the children into dormitories on reserves. In New South Wales and Western Commonwealth of australia, many children were trained in Aboriginal-only institutions to become domestic servants or subcontract labourers. Other children were transferred to orphanages and children'southward homes where Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal children were brought up together. In other cases, and especially after the 1940s, Ancient children were fostered or adopted into non-Aboriginal families.

How many children were removed?

In its 1997 written report Bringing them home, the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission estimated that between one-third and ane-tenth of all Aboriginal children growing upwardly during the years in which forcible removal laws operated were removed. The full calibration of removals is nonetheless not known because many records take been lost.

What were the consequences of the removals?

Many members of the Stolen Generation reported during the Bringing them home Inquiry that they were forbidden to speak their Aboriginal language, they were told their parents did not want them, they experienced neglect equally well as physical, emotional and sexual abuse, they received little or no teaching, and were refused contact with their families.

The effects of the separation from their parents and communities, being institutionalised and being abused, have been reported to impact on self-esteem, cultural identity, social skills and survival skills, developing relationships and parenting. Many members of the Stolen Generations still take not been reunited with their families. The legacy of forcible removal remains in the lives of Ethnic individuals and communities today.

Bringing them home Report

Citizenship

In May 1967, a Constitutional referendum to include Ethnic people in the national demography and to enable the Commonwealth Regime to make laws on Aboriginal affairs passed with a 'Yes' vote of almost 91%.

Before 1967, Aboriginal Diplomacy was a state responsibility and the Commonwealth Regime was only in charge of Aboriginal people in the Northern Territory. Afterwards 1967, the Commonwealth Government shared ability over Aboriginal Affairs with the States.

To read more about the 1967 referendum click here: http://world wide web.aph.gov.au/library/pubs/bp/1996-97/97bp11.htm

Equal pay

Having repeatedly rejected Aboriginal claims to equal pay for equal piece of work during the 1930s and 1940s, the Republic Conciliation and Arbitration Commission finally granted Ancient stockmen accolade wages in 1966.51 This determination had a menstruation-on consequence to other employed Aboriginal people nationally.

Cocky-conclusion policy

The federal Labor Government led by Gough Whitlam adopted the policy of 'self-determination' for Indigenous communities in 1972. This policy was described as 'Aboriginal communities deciding the pace and nature of their future evolution as significant components within a diverse Commonwealth of australia'. It recognised that Aboriginal people had a right to be involved in conclusion making nearly their ain lives.

Self-management policy

The federal Coalition Government led by Malcolm Fraser, which came to power in tardily 1975, adopted the policy of 'self-management' which focused on Indigenous communities managing the government projects and funding locally, but with piddling say in what projects would be created. The Hawke and Keating Labor Governments from 1983-1996 used both self-determination and cocky-management equally key principles in their Indigenous affairs policies. The Coalition Authorities led by John Howard from 1996 has reverted to a policy of self-management.

Land rights

In 1976, the Federal Government passed land rights law for Ancient peoples in the Northern Territory. Most other states also have some form of State Rights legislation in identify although the degree of command given to Indigenous peoples over the land in question differs significantly from land to state.

Native title

In the Mabo case of 1992, the High Court of Commonwealth of australia rejected the long-standing doctrine of terra nullius. It plant that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples who have maintained a standing connection with their land, according to their traditions and community, may have their rights to land under traditional police recognised in Australian constabulary. This is native title.

Click here for more data on the history of contact between Ancient people and governments in Australia http://world wide web.dreamtime.cyberspace.au/ethnic/timeline3.cfm

Top

Question 8. What is the right to self-determination?

Cocky-determination is the right of all peoples to 'freely determine their political condition and freely pursue their economical, social and cultural development' (Article ane of the International Covenant on Ceremonious and Political Rights). 52 Cocky-determination is a collective correct (belonging to a 'peoples') rather than an individual right. The merits by Ethnic peoples to the correct of self-determination raises 2 questions: (1) Do Indigenous groups constitute a 'peoples'? (2) Does cocky-determination requite indigenous peoples the right to secession (that is, to interruption abroad from an existing nation)?

The application of cocky-conclusion to indigenous people is the field of study of ongoing negotiations in the United nations. Many countries now have that self-decision applies to Indigenous people, although they practise not take that cocky-determination would authorise secession, and are unwilling to formally recognise indigenous self-determination unless it is accompanied by a guarantee against secession. Indigenous peoples have responded to this concern in international negotiations by noting that international law provides protection against secession.

About Indigenous people in Australia want cocky-decision within the existing nation. This would require recognition by the Government of their distinct cultures and forms of social organisation, governance and decision-making. It would mean transferring responsibleness and power for decision-making to Indigenous communities so they can make decisions in relation to issues that affect them.

Height

Question 9. What is reconciliation?

Reconciliation aims to promote understanding of the history of contact between Ethnic and non-Indigenous people and develop better relations for the future.53

The formal reconciliation process began in 1991 with the establishment of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation for a x year period. The Council was established by legislation with 25 Indigenous and not-Indigenous members appointed by the Government. The Quango was required to promote reconciliation betwixt Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and the wider Australian customs. At the finish of its 10-year menstruum, the Council was besides required to make recommendations to the Government on actions for achieving reconciliation.

The Quango developed a declaration towards reconciliation, a Roadmap for Reconciliation which contains four national strategies and a final report, titled Reconciliation: Australia's Challenge, which sets out a comprehensive program of activities to address the 'unfinished business' of reconciliation. The Council's proposals relate to four areas: achieving economic independence, overcoming Ethnic disadvantage, recognising Ethnic rights and sustaining the reconciliation process.

Reconciliation Australia was established by the Council in December 2000 to behave forward the reconciliation motility.

Click here for more data on the Quango for Aboriginal Reconciliation: http://world wide web.austlii.edu.au/au/orgs/car/docrec/relevant/docbook/p4.htm Click here for more information on Reconciliation Australia: http://www.reconciliationaustralia.org/

Top

Question 10. What is native title?

'Native championship' is the name given by Australian police to Indigenous peoples' traditional rights to their lands and waters. Those rights can range from a relationship similar to full ownership of the state through to the right to go onto the country for ceremonies or to hunt, fish or gather foods and bush-league medicines. To have their native title rights recognised, the Indigenous group has to prove they still have a connexion with their country according to their traditional laws.

Australian law gives all other land titles priority over native title. In many cases the creation of an interest in land under western law has the effect of extinguishing any native title rights that might have existed. However, in some cases Ethnic and non-Indigenous interests in land can co-exist - for example, Indigenous people might be able to visit their country freely even though it is on a cattle station. Even in these cases, wherever there is a conflict between the ii sets of interests, the not-Ethnic interest will prevail.

Native title cannot be recognised on land which is fully owned by someone else. It can only be recognised in areas like:

  • Vacant land endemic by the government (this is called 'Crown country').
  • Some national parks and forests.
  • Some pastoral leases (where the pastoralist rents a cattle or sheep station from the government without owning the country).
    • Aboriginal reserves.
  • Beaches, seas, lakes and rivers that are not privately owned.

How many native title applications have been successful?

As at 15 April 2005, the full number of native title determinations (decisions fabricated on a claim) in Australia numbered 59. Of these, 39 were determinations that native title exists. 54

Click here for more than information about native championship decisions.

Table 10.1: Native title decisions by outcome and land/territory to 15 April 2005
State/territory Native title exists in some or all of the expanse Native championship does not exist Total decisions
NSW

1

14

xv

NT

six

0

six

Queensland

23

2

25

S Australia

0

1

1

Victoria

0

1

1

WA

nine

2

11

Total

39

20

59

Source: National Native Title Tribunal, 'Native title determinations by Country or Territory' (website accessed 26 April 2005)

Click here to see a map of native title applications and decision areas as at 31 March 2005: http://www.nntt.gov.au/publications/information/files/National_FC_NTDA_Schedule.pdf Click here to meet a map of native championship determinations every bit at 31 March 2005: http://www.nntt.gov.au/publications/data/files/Determinations_A4.pdf

Is native title the same as land rights?

Native title is not the same as land rights. Land rights are granted through legislation whereas native title is the recognition of rights based on the traditional laws and community that existed before white occupation. Different land rights, native title rights are not granted by government so cannot be withheld or withdrawn by Parliament or the Crown, although they can be extinguished by an Human action of government.

A land rights grant may cover traditional land, an Aboriginal reserve, an Aboriginal mission or cemetery, Crown state or a national park. Native title only covers state on which a traditional human relationship continues to exist.

Click here for more information about state rights laws.

Table ten.2: Australian state rights laws
State/territory Act/s and year Major effects

South Australia

Aboriginal Land Trust Act 1966

Established the Aboriginal Lands Trust of South Australia made upwardly of Aboriginal members and provided for the transfer of former Aboriginal reserves to the command and management of Aboriginal communities.

Pitjantjatjara Country Rights Act 1981

Returned over 103,000 square kilometres in remote north-westward Due south Australia to the traditional owners.

Maralinga Tjarutja Land Rights Act 1984

Returned 81,000 foursquare kilometres of old reserve land in fundamental western Due south Commonwealth of australia to the traditional owners. 120 square kilometres contaminated by British atomic testing in the 1950s were excluded from the original state grant. These blocks were finally returned once they were made safe in March 2000.

Victoria

Six Aboriginal Lands Acts, five passed by the Victorian Parliament and one by the Federal Parliament. The showtime was the Aboriginal Lands Act 1970

Each Human activity transferred ownership of pocket-size areas of reserve or mission lands to trusts or Aboriginal organisations. No claims process established. These small areas brand upwardly a very depression proportion of the area of Victoria.

Northern Territory

Aboriginal Country Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 (a federal law)

Former Aboriginal reserves (near 20% of the land in the NT) were returned to Aboriginal land trusts for the benefit of the traditional owners. Some national parks, including Uluru and Kakadu, were also returned on condition that the owners would share their management with the National Parks and Wildlife Service. A claim procedure was gear up up which allowed traditional owners to lodge claims to other Crown land until 1997. Claims are heard past Aboriginal State Commissioners who make recommendations to the Federal Authorities. Four Aboriginal Land Councils help with claims and with land management. The Act also established a regime for evolution, exploration and mining on Aboriginal land, and the payment of 'mining royalty equivalents' by government to traditional owners.

Pastoral State Act 1992

Indigenous people with a historic residential connection to land forming office of a pastoral lease, and who 'can demonstrate a present demand for a community living area' may apply to a Tribunal for a recommendation (which the Government minister has the discretion to human activity upon) that the government excise the land from the charter and transfer it to an incorporated Aboriginal association. The estate transferred is a fee simple estate, simply the pastoral lessee may apply to have it reincorporated into the lease if it is not occupied by the Aboriginal claimants for a period exceeding five years.

New South Wales

Aboriginal State Rights Human action 1983

Transferred Ancient reserves to Local Aboriginal Land Councils, and enabled them to make claims for unoccupied Crown land not needed for a public purpose. It is not necessary for claimants to prove a traditional relationship with the state; a historical relationship may exist sufficient. Past 7 Baronial 2001, vi,598 claims had been fabricated simply only one,957 had been granted, totalling 75,952 hectares - less than 1% of the Land. The Deed also established a fund for land purchases, 13 Regional Country Councils and the NSW Ancient Land Council.

National Parks and Wildlife (Aboriginal Buying) Amendment Act 1996

Allows Indigenous communities to claim land in national parks. The total surface area of National Park affected past the legislation is 113,000 hectares.

Jervis Bay, a Commonwealth defense force territory

Ancient Land Grant (Jervis Bay Territory) Act 1986

Provides for grants of country in the Jervis Bay Territory. The Jervis Bay National Park was transferred to the Wreck Bay Ancient Customs Council in 1995, with the community leasing the Park dorsum to the Director of National Parks and Wild fauna. The transfer of land in the Territory has resulted in about 93% of the Territory's 7,400 hectares being Aboriginal-endemic.

Queensland

Country Act 1962

In 1982, an option was given to communities living on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Reserves to take trusteeship of the country nether a Deed of Grant In Trust (DOGIT) under this Deed. The trustee is unremarkably a customs council but tin can be a group of individuals. Some 31 DOGIT Quango communities were established throughout Queensland.

Ancient Land Act 1991; Torres Strait Islander Land Act 1991

Transferred buying of existing reserves and DOGIT land already run by Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander councils to their communities. Claims could also be fabricated for specified Crown land and claims would exist decided by a State Tribunal. Indigenous people in Queensland may claim land on the grounds of traditional amalgamation or historical clan or economic / cultural viability. At 2001, 80 parcels of land had been transferred to Indigenous communities, comprising a full area of about 540,000 hectares.

Tasmania

Ancient Land Deed 1995

Established an elected Ancient Land Council and transferred ownership of 12 areas of detail significance to Tasmanian Ancient people to the Council's ownership. The amount of land concerned is 0.06% of the land.

Western Australia

No land rights legislation.

Under the Ancient Affairs Planning Authority Human activity 1972, Aboriginal reserves were vested in the Western Australian Aboriginal Country Trust (WAALT). The WAALT has leased these lands to communities for 99 years. The Bonner Written report of the WAALT in 1996 recommended that title to WAALT lands be transferred to Ancient corporations in trust for Aboriginal people past 2002. The area of land under review made upwards 12% of Western Commonwealth of australia. The Bonner Report is in the process of being implemented.

Source: Pollack, D.P. (2001), 'Indigenous land in Australia: a quantitative assessment of Indigenous state holdings in 2000', CAEPR Discussion Paper No. 221, Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Enquiry, Australian National University, Canberra; and pages 136-142, Native Title Report 2003, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner, HREOC,2004.

Land for Aboriginal communities or enterprises may also be purchased with money from the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Land Account (formerly Land Fund) created in 1995. The Land Account was the second function of the Federal Government'due south response to the High Court's Mabo determination (the outset office of the response being the introduction of native title legislation), in recognition of the fact that the majority of Indigenous people had been dispossessed and would exist unable to regain ownership and control of their country through the native championship processes. The Land Account was established to help address this result by providing cultural, social, ecology and economic benefits for Indigenous people.

The State Account was created past a stock-still annual allocation ($121 1000000) from the government over 10 years to 30 June 2004. Around ii-thirds of this amount has been retained in the Business relationship and invested, with the residuum available to the Indigenous Land Corporation to fund its ongoing activities. Government allocations to the Country Account have ceased. Information technology is expected that the work of the Indigenous Land Corporation will be funded from the investment income earned by the Country Business relationship. 55 With the abolition of ATSIC and ATSIS, the Ethnic Land Business relationship and Ethnic Land Corporation were transferred to the Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs portfolio of the Federal Government. 56

Table 10.4: Indigenous Country Corporation purchases by land and territory, 1995-2002
State/territory Number of properties Total area (hectares)

NSW

46

187,109.iv

NT

12

494,136.1

Queensland

39

1,368,852.1

South Australia

25

835,228.7

Tasmania

v

eleven,780.0

Victoria

27

iii,963.6

WA

36

ii,281,751.7

Full

190

five,182,821.6

Source: Indigenous Country Corporation, 'Indigenous State Corporation Holding Conquering' (website accessed 10 May 2005)

Native title landmarks

1992: Start recognition of native title - the Mabo case

In the Mabo instance of 1992, the High Court of Australia recognised the native title rights of the Meriam people of the Torres Strait. This decision rejected the doctrine of terra nullius. It recognised for the get-go time that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples who have maintained a continuing connectedness with their state, according to their traditions and customs, may take their rights to country under traditional law recognised in Australian law. This is native title.

Click hither to read the Mabo Case (No. ii) http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/cases/cth/high_ct/175clr1.html

1993: The Native Title Act

In 1993, the Native Title Human activity was passed to recognise and protect surviving native championship rights throughout Commonwealth of australia and set a process for settling claims and conflicts about native championship. The Human action:

  • Established a claim process for Indigenous people seeking recognition of native title, including the institution of the National Native Championship Tribunal.
  • Provided a definition of native title.
  • Provided that, in relation to time to come developments on the state, native title would take no lesser protection than other interests in land.
  • Immune Indigenous groups claiming native title to negotiate about mining developments proposed on the land before proving their merits (the 'right to negotiate').
  • Validated non-Ethnic interests that would have been invalid as a consequence of the recognition of native title.

Click here for more data about the Native Title Act http://www.nntt.gov.au.

1996: The question of pastoral leases - the Wik Case

In the 1996 Wik case, the Loftier Court held that pastoral leases in Queensland do not necessarily cancel out native title rights and interests and that they could co-exist with the rights of pastoralists.

Click hither to read the Wik Case http://world wide web.austlii.edu.au/au/cases/cth/high_ct/unrep299.html

1998: The Wik amendments to the Native Title Act

In 1998, after the Wik case, the Federal Government amended the Native Title Act. The amendments:

  • Weakened the 'right to negotiate' for native championship claimants.
  • Confirmed and validated the extinguishment of native title on a range of leases and other land tenures.
  • Upgraded pastoral leaseholds by increasing the activities that could take place under the charter without having to negotiate with native championship holders.
  • Made it more difficult to register native championship applications.
  • Introduced 'Indigenous land utilize agreements' (ILUAs) which allow a native title group to negotiate on a range of matters about state and waters with others.

2001: Croker Isle (Commonwealth v Yarmirr)

The Croker Isle case recognised that native title could exist on ocean country but that any native title rights that were recognised must non exclude the rights of whatever other person.

Click here to read the Croker Island example http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/cases/cth/HCA/2001/56.html

2002: Ward (Western Australia v Ward)

In the Ward instance, the High Court constitute that native title is made up of a packet of rights and that these rights tin can be extinguished either in office or equally a whole. I way native title rights are extinguished is by the grant of inconsistent non-Indigenous interests in the same area of land. For case, the creation of a pastoral lease in Western Australia extinguishes the correct of the traditional owners to exclusive possession of that country. However, it does not extinguish the rights of the traditional owners to enter the country in order to hunt or fish or perform ceremonies, considering these rights tin can co-be with the rights of the pastoralist. In the instance of freehold, native title is completely extinguished.

Click here to read the Ward case http://world wide web.austlii.edu.au/au/cases/cth/HCA/2002/28.html

2002: Yorta Yorta (Members of the Yorta Yorta Community 5 Victoria)

The High Court found that in gild to have native title recognised, the claimant group must show that it, or its members take practised their traditional laws and customs continuously since European settlement.

Click here to read the Yorta Yorta Example http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/cases/cth/HCA/2002/58.html

Top

Further Reading

Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Committee

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner, Social Justice Report 2004, Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, Sydney, 2004.

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner, Native Title Study 2004, Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Committee, Sydney, 2004.

Australian Bureau of Statistics publications:

1996 Census of Population and Housing: Ancient and Torres Strait Islander peoples (Catalogue No. 2034.0) 1998.

2001 Census Community Profile Series: Ethnic Profile: Commonwealth of australia (Catalogue No. 2002.0) 2002.

National Ancient and Torres Strait Islander Social Survey (NATSISS) (Catalogue No. 4714.0) 2002

Infirmary statistics relating to Indigenous people, Occasional Paper, 1997-98.

Kate Ross, Population Issues: Ethnic Australians (Catalogue No. 4708.0), Australian Bureau of Statistics, xv February 1999.

Self-assessed health condition of Indigenous Australians, Occasional Paper, 1994.

Productivity Commission Reports

Steering Committee for the Review of Government Service Provision Reports, Overcoming Indigenous Disadvantage: Fundamental Indicators 2005

Steering Commission for the Review of Government Service Provision, Study on Authorities Services 2005 - Indigenous Compendium.

Other Indigenous health publications:

R W Edwards &amp Richard Madden, The Health and Welfare of Australia'south Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples, Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2003.

Indigenous mothers and their babies - wellness statistics, 1994-96, National Perinatal Statistics Unit, Australian Establish of Health and Welfare, 1999.

Publications about contact and colonial history:

Bain Attwood, The Making of the Aborigines, Allen & Unwin, Sydney, 1989.

Bringing them habitation, Written report of the National Research into the Separation of Ancient and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families, HREOC, Sydney, 1997.

Robert Manne, 'In Denial: The Stolen Generations and the Right', The Australian Quarterly Essay, Result 1, Schwartz Publishing, 2001.

Peter Read, The stolen generations: the removal of Aboriginal children in New Due south Wales 1883 to 1969, NSW Government Printer, Sydney, 1982.

Henry Reynolds, Frontier: Aborigines, settlers and land, Allen & Unwin, Sydney, 1987.

Henry Reynolds, The other side of the frontier: an estimation of the Aboriginal response to the invasion and settlement of Australia, James Melt University, Townsville, 1981.

Henry Reynolds, Why weren't we told? A personal search for the truth well-nigh our history, Viking, Ringwood Victoria, 1999.

Lyndall Ryan, The Aboriginal Tasmanians, Allen & Unwin, 2d Edition, St Leonards, 1997.

Keith Windschuttle, The Fabrication of Aboriginal History, (Volume 1: Van Dieman's Country 1803-1847), Macleay Press, Paddington NSW, 2002.

Publications about reconciliation:

Australian Declaration Towards Reconciliation, Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation, 2000.

Roadmap for Reconciliation, Quango for Aboriginal Reconciliation, 2000.

Reconciliation Commonwealth of australia: http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/other/IndigLRes/motorcar/

Reports of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner:

On social justice: http://www.humanrights.gov.au/social_justice/sj_reports.html

On native title: http://world wide web.humanrights.gov.au/social_justice/nt_reports.html

(Note that 2005 reports will be released in November 2005)

Report of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody:

National Study (Volumes I-V), Democracy of Australia, 1991.

For information about the new arrangements in the administration of Indigenous Affairs:

Part of the Indigenous Policy Coordinator: http://world wide web.oipc.gov.au/

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner, Social Justice Study, Human being Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, Sydney.

(Note that 2005 report will be released in November 2005)

For information about CDEP:

http://www.dewrsb.gov.au/default.asp

http://world wide web.centrelink.gov.au/cyberspace/internet.nsf/publications/co041.htm

See also, Race Discrimination Commissioner, The CDEP Scheme and Racial Discrimination, HREOC, Sydney, 1997.

For information nearly ATSIC:

http://world wide web.atsic.gov.au/about_atsic/atsic_at_a_glance/default.asp

For information about the Torres Strait Regional authority:

http://www.tsra.gov.au/

For information about the Mabo Case:

Mabo No. 1: Mabo and Some other v The State of Queensland and Another (1989) 166 CLR 186.

Mabo No. ii: Mabo and Others 5 Queensland (No. two) (1992) 175 CLR 1.

Read about Mr Eddie Mabo, Australian Broadcasting Corporation, 1998.

For information nearly the National Native Title Tribunal:

http://www.nntt.gov.au/

For data about country rights legislation and country purchases:

Pollack, D.P. (2001), 'Indigenous country in Commonwealth of australia: a quantitative assessment of Ethnic land holdings in 2000', CAEPR Word Paper No. 221, Centre for Aboriginal Economical Policy Research, Australian National University, Canberra.

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner, Native Title Report, Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Committee, Sydney. (Note that the 2005 study volition exist released in November 2005)


Top

Notes

  1. United Nations High Commissioner for Human being Rights, Fact sheet No.9 (Rev.one), The Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
  2. NSW Health "Communicating Positively - A guide to appropriate Aboriginal terminology", NSW Section of Wellness, 2004.
  3. Australian Bureau of Statistics, Population Characteristics: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians 2001 (Catalogue No. 4713), 30 October 2003, Tabular array two.8; Demography Counts, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Origin 2001, p 25.
  4. Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2001 Census Basic Community Profile and Snapshot: Commonwealth of australia, 19 November 2002.
  5. Australian Bureau of Statistics, Population Distribution, Indigenous Australians, (Catalogue No. 4705.0), 26 June 2002.
  6. Australian Bureau of Statistics, Population Characteristics: Aboriginal and Torres Starit Islander Australians 2001, (Catalogue No. 4713), 30 Oct 2003, p20.
  7. Royal Committee into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody, "National Written report past Commissioner Elliot Johnston" QC, AGPS, Canberra, 1991, p6.
  8. Australian Bureau of Statistics, Population: Article - Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Population.
  9. Australian Bureau of Statistics, Deaths, 2001, (Catalogue No. 3302.0) p20.
  10. Australian Agency of Statistics, The Health and Welfare of Australia'southward Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples, 2003 (Catalogue No. 4704.0).
  11. Australian Bureau of Statistics, Deaths, 2001, (Catalogue No. 3302.0) p23.
  12. Australian Bureau of Statistics, Deaths, 2001, (Catalogue No. 3302.0) pp24-25.
  13. Australian Bureau of Statistics, National Wellness Survey: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Results, (Catalogue No. 4715.0), 2002. Note: The Survey was conducted by the Australian Agency of statistics from February to Nov 2001.
  14. Australian Bureau of Statistics, National Health Survey: Ancient and Torres Strait Islander Results (Catalogue No. 4715.0), 2002.
  15. Australian Bureau of Statistics, Population Characteristics: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians 2001 (Catalogue No. 4713), xxx Oct 2003, p49.
  16. Australian Agency of Statistics, Year Volume Australia, Education and Training: Article - Ethnic Education and Training, 2004. Note: apparent retention rates for full-time Ethnic secondary school students from Year seven/8 to Yr 12 rose 5.9 percentage points from 1998 to 2002, compared to a rise of iii.half dozen percentage points for non-Indigenous students.
  17. Australian Bureau of Statistics, Population Characteristics Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians 2001 (Catalogue No. 4713.0), 30 October 2003, p48.
  18. Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2001 Census Community Profile Serial: Indigenous Contour: Australia (Catalogue No. 2002.0), 2002, Table 101: Selected Characteristics past Indigenous Status by Sex (1st release processing).
  19. Australian Bureau of Statistics, Yr Book Australia, Labour: Commodity - Labour Force Status of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples, 2004.
  20. Australian Bureau of Statistics, Occasional Paper: Labour Forcefulness Characteristics of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians, Experimental Estimates from the Labour Force Survey (Catalogue No. 6287.0), xx December 2000.
  21. . Australian Bureau of Statistics, Population Characteristics Ancient and Torres Strait Islander Australians 2001 (Catalogue No. 4713.0), xxx October 2003, p65.
  22. Australian Agency of Statistics, Population Characteristics Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians 2001 (Catalogue No. 4713.0), 30 October 2003, p81.
  23. ATSIC Press Release, 'Home ownership notwithstanding a dream for many Indigenous Australians', 5 August 2002.
  24. Australian Agency of Statistics, Year Book Australia 2002, Housing: Special Article-Housing in Remote Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Communities.
  25. Australian Bureau of Statistics, The Wellness and Welfare of Australia'southward Ancient and Torres Strait Islander Peoples (Catalogue No. 4704.0), 29 August 2003.
  26. Australian Bureau of Statistics, Housing and Infrastructure in Ancient and Torres Strait Islander Communities, Commonwealth of australia (Catalogue No. 4710.0), 6 May 2002.
  27. Australian Bureau of Statistics, Twelvemonth book Commonwealth of australia, Law-breaking and Justice; Article- Indigenous Prisoners, 2004.
  28. Kate Charlton and Marissa McCall, Statistics on Juvenile Detention in Australia: 1981-2003, Australian Institute of Criminology Technical and Background Paper No.10, 2004, p xi.
  29. Paul Williams, Deaths in Custody: 10 Years on from the Regal Commission, Trends & Issues in Offense and Criminal Justice No. 203, Australian Institute of Criminology, Canberra, April 2001.
  30. Australian Agency of Statistics, Year Book Australia, Law-breaking and Justice: Deaths in Custody, 2004.
  31. Australian Bureau of Statistics, Year book Australia, Crime and Justice; Article- Indigenous Prisoners, 2004.
  32. Sue Gordon et al, Putting the picture together, Inquiry into response by Authorities agencies to Complaints of Family Violence and Kid Corruption in Aboriginal Communities, Section of Premier and Chiffonier (Western Australia), 2002, p46.
  33. Neutze et al, Public Expenditure on Services for Indigenous People: Education, Employment, Wellness and Housing, Discussion Paper No. 24, The Australia Establish, September 1999, pp12-13.
  34. Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, Improvements in Indigenous Wellness Expenditure, Media Release, 20 August 2001.
  35. Statement by the Hon. Philip Ruddock MP, Minister for Clearing and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs, 14 May 2002, p15.
  36. Deeble J, Expenditures on Ancient and Torres Strait Islander Wellness 2003, Australian Medical Association, Canberra, 2003, p. 5.
  37. Admission Economics, Ethnic Wellness Workforce Needs, AMA, 2004, pp. Encounter the study.
  38. ibid. p. 39.
  39. Econtech, Costings Models for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Services, Ancient and Torres Strait Islander Health Care Review: Consultant Report No.3, Commonwealth of Australia, 2004 p xi
  40. Argument by the Hon. Philip Ruddock MP, Minister for Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs and Government minister Assisting the Prime Minister for Reconciliation, 'Ethnic Affairs', xiv May 2002, pp 13-15.
  41. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commissioner, Social Justice Report 2004, Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, Sydney, 2004, p 67.
  42. Ancient and Torres Strait Islander Commissioner, Social Justice Report 2004, Man Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, Sydney, 2004, p 67.
  43. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commissioner, Social Justice Report 2004, Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, Sydney, 2004, p172.
  44. Howard, J, (Prime number Minister), Transcript of the Prime Government minister, The Hon John Howard MP, Joint Press Briefing with Senator Amanda Vanstone, Parliament Business firm, Canberra, 15 April 2004, pp1-2.
  45. Media Release, Minister for Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Diplomacy, Senator Amanda Vanstone, 24 March 2005.
  46. Richard Broome, 'The Statistics of Frontier Conflict', in Bain Attwood and Southward. One thousand. Foster, Frontier Conflict. The Australian Experience, National Museum of Australia, Canberra, 2003, pp. 88-97.
  47. Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation, Valuing cultures: Recognising Indigenous cultures as a valued office of Australian heritage, AGPS Canberra 1994, p9.
  48. See: Ancient languages of Australia virtual library website and the 'Australian Constitute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies' Ancient Studies Electronic Data Archive.
  49. Mabo and Others five State of Queensland (No.2) (1992) 175 CLR 1.
  50. R Broome, Ancient Australia, 2nd edition, Allen & Unwin, Sydney, 1994, p 174.
  51. Australian Trade Union Archives, Timeline website.
  52. Run into: International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
  53. Council for Ancient Reconciliation, Reconciliation Information Canvas 1: Edifice New Relationships, 1998.
  54. National Native Championship Tribunal website, Native Title Determinations.
  55. Ethnic State Fund website.
  56. Run into Office of Indigenous Policy Coordination website, New Arrangements in Indigenous Affairs.

smithsomblay.blogspot.com

Source: https://humanrights.gov.au/our-work/publications/questions-and-answers-about-aboriginal-torres-strait-islander-peoples

Post a Comment for "Identify the Social Characteristics of Aboriginal Families That Supported Malinowskiã¢â‚¬â„¢s Argument."